Pukhtuns inhabit the North-West Frontier Province of Pakistan as a major ethnic group of the populace. Most parts of the land they occupy remained independent, and without a centralized government of its own for most of its known history. It is due to the geographical nature of the land, being mostly hilly, that it is not easily accessible and it is difficult to maintain a hold and firm control over it, in the absence of advanced means of communication and other required things, which were not found in the earlier times. Then question arises that in the absence of a centralized authority, control and formal government and governmental machinery, what regulated and ruled the lives and actions of the Pukhtuns; and what maintained peace and ensured security in their tribal and semi cephalous society. The answer, however, is not difficult to find
Despite the fact that the society remained tribal and individualistic to some extent, the lives and actions of the people had been regulated and ruled by unwritten but well-defined and well-known customs, norms, codes and rules called Pukhtu also written as Pashto and Pakhtu, which is also the name of the language of the people. It is a commonly known saying that Pukhtu is not only a language but is also the code, which governs the lives of those who speak it.The term 'Pukhtunwali' is also used for 'Pukhtu'. To an outsider and a casual observer the society might have seemed disorderly, but it was, in fact, a well knit and regulated one
Salma Shaheen, referring to a researcher's observation, states that Pukhtu is not a language only. It is the constitution of the life of the Pukhtuns as well. Pukhtu or Pukhtunwali is the name of a specific culture and civilization. Pukhtu is such a collection of ethics and behaviours ignoring which or a slight deviation from which is ouster from Pukhtu, and if it is observed deeply the entire life of the Pukhtuns passes in saying that 'daa Pukhtu dah' (it is Pukhtu) and 'daa Pukhtu nah dah" (it is not Pukhtu). To lay an extra or misplaced step in between the 'dah1 (is) and the 'nah dah (is not) is ousting from Pukhtu and the constitution of Pukhtunwali. ' And according to Muhammad Nawaz Tair, Pukhtunwali is the name of that code of conduct and national custom, which have been adopted by the Pukhtuns since long and under which they live till this time.2 Whereas according to Ashruf Altaf Husain:
A Pukhtu tapah4 says that:
Despite the fact that the society remained tribal and individualistic to some extent, the lives and actions of the people had been regulated and ruled by unwritten but well-defined and well-known customs, norms, codes and rules called Pukhtu also written as Pashto and Pakhtu, which is also the name of the language of the people. It is a commonly known saying that Pukhtu is not only a language but is also the code, which governs the lives of those who speak it.The term 'Pukhtunwali' is also used for 'Pukhtu'. To an outsider and a casual observer the society might have seemed disorderly, but it was, in fact, a well knit and regulated one
Salma Shaheen, referring to a researcher's observation, states that Pukhtu is not a language only. It is the constitution of the life of the Pukhtuns as well. Pukhtu or Pukhtunwali is the name of a specific culture and civilization. Pukhtu is such a collection of ethics and behaviours ignoring which or a slight deviation from which is ouster from Pukhtu, and if it is observed deeply the entire life of the Pukhtuns passes in saying that 'daa Pukhtu dah' (it is Pukhtu) and 'daa Pukhtu nah dah" (it is not Pukhtu). To lay an extra or misplaced step in between the 'dah1 (is) and the 'nah dah (is not) is ousting from Pukhtu and the constitution of Pukhtunwali. ' And according to Muhammad Nawaz Tair, Pukhtunwali is the name of that code of conduct and national custom, which have been adopted by the Pukhtuns since long and under which they live till this time.2 Whereas according to Ashruf Altaf Husain:
As a matter of fact, among Pathans "Pakhto' (plural of 'Pakhtoon' [sic]) is the name given to the velour, sense of honour and lex non scripta of the nation .... The word 'Pakhto' stands for hospitality, generosity, bravery, truthfulness, straightforwardness, keeping of a promise, patronage of the weak, giving of shelter to all including enemies, moral courage in claiming one's rights, sacrificing one's life for personal as well as national honour, dying in the name of religion, and a number of other desirable attitudes and worthy traditions. To say that one is not a true 'Pakhtoon' implies that one is devoid of all these virtues and is, therefore, regarded a term of abuse.3
A Pukhtu tapah4 says that:
Pa Pukhtu ting Puhktun walaar day
Bey Pukhtu nah mani Pukhtun merah Pukhtunah
Translation:
The Pukhtun stands firmly on PukhtuEven children, whether male or female, must know the main elements and commandments of Pukhtu. Ghani Khan says that: When a law is bred into the very fiber of a race it becomes a custom and persists long after the need is gone and the occasion forgotten. For man gives to his children not only the shape of his own nose and the cranks in his character, he also teaches them his fears and forebodings, his songs and curses. He moulds his child as nearly as he can to his own shape.5
The Pukhtun wife does not accept a Pukhtun husband who has no Pukhtu
Addressing the English and comparing the English law (made for the Pukhtuns) and Pukhtuns' own custom and traditions, he says that "there is absolutely no difference between your law and his customs in object and purpose."6 Nevertheless, "your laws are as stupid to him as his customs are to you."7 The codes and rules of Pukhtu, developed in the course of time, are naturally internalized by the children. Addressing the English, Ghani Khan elaborates that:
You call it law and keep it in big books. He calls it custom and keeps it in his wife's treasure chest. You have to be either a judge or a criminal to know your law. He knows his customs before he knows how to eat. It is bred in him. It is mixed in his bones and works in his liver. He does not have to go to a learned man in a wig to know the law against which he sinned. He knows it as soon as he does it. He is his own judge and jailer. His ancestors have seen to it that it is so." 8The components of Pukhtu are simple but well-defined principles, which not only guide but also regulate and govern the lives and actions of the Pukhtuns: males or females, adults or children alike. James W. Spain observes that:
"Nonetheless, there are important traditional and social factors which guide community life and in many cases influence or even determine the actions of individuals. These mores vary considerably in different parts of the Pathan area, and codification of them is virtually impossible. However, certain of them are almost universal, and some knowledge of these is essential to an understanding of what the Pathan is and how he got that way."9In this paper an attempt has been made to deal with some components and commandments of Pukhtu - termed in English 'The Pukhtun Code of Life', 'The Way of the Pathans' -or the unwritten constitution of the Pukhtuns.
Badal
Badal is one of the greatest, if not the greatest of all, commandments of Pukhtu. Although badal means revenge, as stated by Denzil Ibbetson10 and others,11 it has other meanings and uses as well. It is also used for assisting others for their assistance in any work or any way; to return some one else work(s), deed(s), and favour(s) etc. (In the same coin or preferably in the better one) he had rendered to some one. In Pukhtu, badal is regarded the foremost obligation as well as liability in all cases of its meaning, and a person who does not care for it or ignores it, is not considered a true Pukhtun.
In case of revenge, whether of murder, beating, injury, and damage to honour etc. badal is considered liable and is taken without consideration for its consequences and costs. Badal is to be taken not only by the person who had received damages etc., in any shape, but also by other members of his family or even sub-tribe or tribe, not only from the particular culprit or aggressor but also from his other family members and even sometime sub-tribe or tribe. Thus it depends upon the nature of the act committed and also on that of the aggrieved person or family or tribe, how to react and take revenge or to accept compensation or even to forgive. However, in cases of murder generally that person is murdered in badal who is considered as the most influential and worthy in the family of the offender, called the sar saray (the leading figure), so as to give greater loss to the offender's family. There is no limit of time or place for badal. Hence a famous Pukhtu saying is that 'Pukhtun cheh sal kaalah pas badal wakhli no hum taadi kawi', meaning that when the Pukhtun takes revenge after a hundred years, then too he makes a hurry.
In case of revenge, whether of murder, beating, injury, and damage to honour etc. badal is considered liable and is taken without consideration for its consequences and costs. Badal is to be taken not only by the person who had received damages etc., in any shape, but also by other members of his family or even sub-tribe or tribe, not only from the particular culprit or aggressor but also from his other family members and even sometime sub-tribe or tribe. Thus it depends upon the nature of the act committed and also on that of the aggrieved person or family or tribe, how to react and take revenge or to accept compensation or even to forgive. However, in cases of murder generally that person is murdered in badal who is considered as the most influential and worthy in the family of the offender, called the sar saray (the leading figure), so as to give greater loss to the offender's family. There is no limit of time or place for badal. Hence a famous Pukhtu saying is that 'Pukhtun cheh sal kaalah pas badal wakhli no hum taadi kawi', meaning that when the Pukhtun takes revenge after a hundred years, then too he makes a hurry.
Although badal in the case of revenge had its negative effects and impact because it causes unending bloodshed, which might continue even for centuries, and in which the innocents also lose lives and suffer in many ways, it no doubt had positive effects and impacts, which could not be underestimated. Having deterrent value badal helps in maintaining and ensuring peace, order and respect of human life and honour in absence of organized government and governmental machinery, law enforcing agencies and courts. Because it compels a person to think, time and again, over the would-be consequences, not only for himself but also for his other family members, his tribe or even his offsprings after him, before committing a murder, fighting or quarrelling with someone, insulting someone and so forth. Thus, although badal has somewhat demerits, it plays positive role and greatly contributes to security and safety of life, property, honour, prestige etc.; and obstruct the way of Might is Right. Because a crime, murder, injury etc., though might be committed in privacy and will remain hidden for the time being, will, nevertheless, come to the surface or will be detected and unearthed anyway and perhaps -after a long time. And whenever it does not remain secret anymore, the badal becomes obligatory in the case of one party and liability in 'the case of other. Hence badal is a restraining force, a tool of check and balance, and the surety bond that any wrong will not go unpunished. Moreover, badal is considered a right and the one who does not take badal is looked down upon, and is also liable to pighur.
In other forms and uses, such as assistance in a work, favour, giving some thing on badal and so forth, too, badal has great significance both in regulating the lives and works of the people and also in coordinating and facilitating them. In this respect it results cooperation and unity among the people, development, contribution and assistance, making the communal life easy, and so forth. In this respect too reciprocating badal is obligatory, and the one who does not reciprocate badal is not honoured and esteemed. In all its forms it is tried and also esteemed to reciprocate badal not in equal form and terms but at least in a little bit more.
It is to be noted that badal had been and is still presented in such a way that demonizes it and hence is considered a curse. The positive aspects and contribution of badal, which in fact dominates its negative effects, in case of revenge and its other meanings and uses has been ignored by those who have written upon the topic.12
Melmastya
Another important component of Pukhtu is melmastya meaning hospitality. Melmastya is an obligation, which could not be avoided. In melmastya the guests are served with food and provided with boarding and lodging if required or asked for. Melmastya is not only offered to guests who are relatives, friends and acquaintances of the host but also to strangers and those who ask for it. James W. Spain observes that melmastya
"is exercised by the tribesmen to a degree frequently embarrassing to the guest - whether he be foreigner who knows he will never be in a position to return it, or fellow-tribesman who may fear that he will not be in a position to return it adequately when the occasion demands.”13
A point to be noted in the statement is about the return of melmastya. It is expected of the guest of today to be a host of tomorrow for the host of today. Hence a Pukhtu saying is that "Pukhtun khpalah dodai da bal pah koor khwri meaning that Pukhtun eats his own food at other's home. If a person does not behave in the expected manner he is not considered true Pukhtun and generally is looked down upon. The guests have been mainly of two types, i.e. who have to reciprocate the melmastya, and those who are not likely to return it tomorrow. The guests who are not known and are poor wayfarers are called Khudayi melmanah meaning the guests served for Almighty's sake.
James W. Spain though states that "the lavishness of the hospitality varies according to the circumstances of the host. A poor villager will offer tea and stew up a few pieces of goat-meat. A wealthy chief will place his house and retainers at the guest's disposal and feast him with a whole sheep"14 but also contend that "melastia, it must be confessed, is more a matter of personal prestige and self-aggrandisement than of charity or brotherly love."15 It is noteworthy that an important thing counted in melmastya is the warmness with which the guest is received and the manner in which he is served, and not the foodstuff served. That is why there are a number of Pukhtu sayings in this respect. One of the sayings states not to look at the foodstuff I offer but see the warmth and joy in my eyes; and another one says that the delicious foodstuff served with a frowns on the forehead of the host is not worthy to have.
Another thing connected with melmastya is protection of the guest. If the guest had enmity or he needs protection due to some other reason, his protection is regarded responsibility of the host till the time he remains guest with him or in the limits of his house or in his territorial limits.. The 'protection of a guest is considered obligatory to such an extent by the Pukhtuns that a "British administrator, who had' no good opinion about the Pukhtuns, had stated in his report that "for gold, they will do almost anything except betray a guest." I6 James W. Spain observes that:
On occasions, protection may be extended into a wider sphere by proclaiming the visitor the guest of a particular chieftain or clan as long as he remains within the Pathan community. This is traditionally symbolized by giving of a possession of the sponsoring chieftain, perhaps a dagger or a garment, which the guest wears as a symbol of the protection he is under. . . . Violence or hurt of any kind is almost never offered to a bonafide guest, regardless of how poor or distasteful he may be - both because of the high regard in which the obligation of melmastia is held and because of the obligation to take badal which would automatically be placed upon the host.17
The significant aspect of melmastya is that it was due to melmastya that the Pukhtuns did not have to bother about their food and boarding etc., at the time of their journey or going outside of their homes, in the absence of modern means of communication and hotels etc. They had only to go for food to the nearby or roadside settlement at the time of meal or at night both for food and stay, and receive the needed things and also the protection.
Badragah/Jalab:
Another commandment of Pukhtu that is also mainly related with melmastya is called badragah and also jalab, which means an escort. James W. Spain states that "a formal escort or guarantee of safe conduct to a stranger, emissary, or even enemy, is called badragga.18 Besides for the safe conduct the persons to whom badragah is given, it is also to escort friends or other guests so as to give them honour. A tapah illustrates the first purpose of badragah, which says that:
Pah gudar sah balaa lagaygi
Cheh kashar rooryi badragah warsarah zena
Translation:
What tragedy befalls upon the gudar
That her younger brother goes with her in badragah (escort)19
Jargah:
Jargah means: consultative assembly; forum; council; council of the tribal chiefs. It is also spelled out as jirga, jirgah and jarga. It has been the forum and assembly where issues of common interest have been discussed and decided. Unlike the modern Western democracy, the decisions are not made by majority votes but by consensus or in other words unanimously after the deliberations. As such, the binding force of these decisions is greatly strong. It was due to institution of jargah that in absence of a central authority, government, governmental departments and machinery both the personal and communal disputes were settled and the common and communal matters were conducted and dispensed in Pukhtu. This age-old institution still functions successfully in many ways.
Under the age-old institution of jargah, the people or stakeholders assemble and discuss the issue freely when there is any problem or issue of common interest. All the attendants are at liberty and have the right to express their viewpoints and put forward their opinions without any restriction, hindrance or taboo. The important point is that the decisions are not majority imposed but are made by consensus or unanimously after the deliberations, as mentioned earlier. Besides other authorities the statements of the official Report on the Administration on the Border of the North-West Frontier Province for the year 1938-39 endorses that in the jirgahs mere majority is not sufficient for-decision making, but consensus and unanimity is required. The report under the title 'The Tribal Constitution' states that:
". . . . each tribe has a tribal 'jirgah', or representative body of persons with an acknowledged position in the tribe. . . . where every man considers himself a member of the tribal jirgah and where the political officer's task is not completed until he has convinced the last man of a jirgah numbering anything up to three thousand. ... In Waziristan . . . almost every head of a household considers himself a member of the tribal jirga and has no intention of obeying the jirga's decision unless he happens to agree with it."20
It depends on the nature of the problem and issue in question that who has to attend the jargah. Generally the common people do not participate in the proceedings of the jargahs. Only the elders or representatives of the families, members of religious families and religious figures of note’ and influence, and the persons having some degree of influence have to participate in the jargahs on the ward and village levels. The leading of them participate, as their representatives, in the jargahs on the segment and tribal levels. McMahon and Ramsay observe, in respect of the tribes of Dir, Swat and Bajawar together with the Utman-Khel and Sam Ranizai, which also on the whole applies to other Pukhtun tribes and localities, that:
"The power is entirely in the hands of the land (daftar) owning Pathans (Pukhtana). The fakir or artisan classes, cultivating tenants (kashtkars), soldiery (mallatars), musicians (doms), etc., are without the franchise, their position being practically that of serfs. . . . The management of all matters relating to a village rests with the village council or Jirga. Each village is represented in the Jirga of its Khel, each Khel in that of the sub-division, and each sub-division in the Jirga of the whole tribe."21
Jargah has other meanings, functions, composition, and uses in different contexts. In these contexts jargahs have to conciliate the opposing and inimical parties, to cool down tempers, to strive for amity, to effect settlements, to mediate between parties, to bring normalcy in cases of tension and disputes, and so forth. And in such situations and cases the meaning, formation, composition, and functions of jargah vary on case to case basis.
James W. Spain has written, in 1950s, about the composition, powers, and functions etc. of jargah. These apply to jargahs of earlier times as well, of which some points are given herewith so as to make some facets of the jargah clearer. He states that in its simplest form, a jargah is merely an assembly. All community business, both public and private is practically subjected to its jurisdiction. It has exercised executive, judicial, and legislative functions, and also frequently acted as an instrument for arbitration or conciliation. In the past, Mughal ambassadors, Sikh generals, British administrators, unrepentant tribesmen, Pakistani politicians, and American celebrities have stood before jargahs during the years. The jargah is essentially a round-table conference never headed by a chairman or presiding officer. The persons whose interests are at stake have the right to attend and speak. Decisions are necessarily unanimous and solemnized by a prayer.
James W. Spain has written, in 1950s, about the composition, powers, and functions etc. of jargah. These apply to jargahs of earlier times as well, of which some points are given herewith so as to make some facets of the jargah clearer. He states that in its simplest form, a jargah is merely an assembly. All community business, both public and private is practically subjected to its jurisdiction. It has exercised executive, judicial, and legislative functions, and also frequently acted as an instrument for arbitration or conciliation. In the past, Mughal ambassadors, Sikh generals, British administrators, unrepentant tribesmen, Pakistani politicians, and American celebrities have stood before jargahs during the years. The jargah is essentially a round-table conference never headed by a chairman or presiding officer. The persons whose interests are at stake have the right to attend and speak. Decisions are necessarily unanimous and solemnized by a prayer.
In case of failure in achieving the unanimous decisions, the jargah have to break up. There is always a moderator in a jargah usually a leading figure sitting a little forward in the formation. He encourages and applauds all the views but his aim should always be reaching at compromise. There has been seldom any voting in a. jargah. In a jargah there are some arm bearing members guaranteeing the safe conduct of affairs. Keeping in view the volatile nature and heavy armament of the Pukhtuns, this is truly a triumph of tradition over instinct. The traditional penalty for defiance of & jargah is setting the culprit's house ablaze. A subtle point, which had been frequently obscured by the semi-judicial role of the jargah, is that its function has to peacefully settle a volatile situation instead of judging right and wrong, determining guilt, or passing sentence.
While effecting a proper settlement, the jargah members take into account the requirements of Pukhtu, the circumstances in the particular situation, and the character of the individuals concerned. Decisions are usually very simple. When complex disputes over property or intertribal feuds are involved, settlement has been more complicated, and recourse is usually made to the Shariat.23
While effecting a proper settlement, the jargah members take into account the requirements of Pukhtu, the circumstances in the particular situation, and the character of the individuals concerned. Decisions are usually very simple. When complex disputes over property or intertribal feuds are involved, settlement has been more complicated, and recourse is usually made to the Shariat.23
Thus, it is the institution and system of jargah which meets the need of solving and deciding common, communal, tribal and inter-tribal problems, issues and disputes etc. as well as personal, domestic, inimical affairs between families, and so forth.
Nang:
Nang means honour, but the English word honour does not give the meaning and sense the Pukhtu word nang has. Being an important component of Pukhtu, nang has played vital role in the lives of the Pukhtuns in various shapes, but its foremost important role is in preserving the national honour and independence. It is nang that has compelled the Pukhtuns to take up arms for the protection of the homeland and national honour, when they are at stake; and also to retain personal, family's, beloved's, friends', sub-tribe's and tribe's esteem. It is required of a Pukhtun to be nangyaalay, meaning to possess nang, and to behave in a manner that is required of him in different circumstances and occasions. Khushal Khan Khattak says that:
Pah jahaan da nangyaali di daa dwah kaarah
Yaa bah ukhri kakarai yaa bah kaamraan shi24
Translation:
A nangyaalay has two obligations in the world
Either to lose his life or to emerge successful
A nangyaalay is honoured and esteemed. Whereas ignoring and keeping aside nang is regarded beynangi, and is looked down upon. A person who has no nang is considered worthless. A tapah says that:
Bey nangah zway mey pakaar ruth dey
Kah pah didan pasey yey randah pah stargu shamah
Translation:
I do not want a son, who has no nang
Although I may lose my eyesight in looking forward for one to see
Another similar tapah says:
Khudaayah bey nangah zway raa mah krey
Kah pah didan pasey yeh randah pah stargu shamah
Translation:
Dear God! Don't give me a son, who has no nang
Although I may lose my eyesight in looking forward for one to see
And another tapah says that:
Pah Hindustan dey saley joor shah
Da bey nangai awaaz dey raa mah shah mayanah
Translation:
It would be far better to die and be buried in India
Than the news of your ignominy reaching me
The above quoted and such other verses and tapahs show how nang is regarded as playing a very important role in the lives of Pukhtuns.
Riwaj
Riwaj in this context means custom and customary law. In Pukhtu, riwaj governs the conduct, lives and behaviour of the Pukhtuns to a greater extent. It has more in use than the Islamic law. For example: no marriage under common law has been recognized; the eldest son receives greater share in the property of the father in inheritance called 'da masharai hisah' and "mashari'; the daughters do not inherit; a widow is only entitled to maintenance until her death or remarriage. (These days the enacted laws are followed and enforced in courts of law in the settled areas of the North-West Frontier Province of Pakistan).
It is required of every Pukhtun to abide by riwaj meaning to observe the norms and values of the society in any case or in other words to 'do in Rome, what the Romans do.' Although riwaj varies from tribe to tribe or from locality to locality, in respect of various matters, abiding by riwaj is considered obligatory. That is why a Pukhtu saying is that 'da kali uzah khu da narkhah yi mah uzah1 meaning that leave the village if you are not happy in it but abide by its prevalent custom whether you like it or not.
Thor
Thor literally means black but in this context it means the adultery and illicit relations, which do not, any more, remain secret. The male is called 'tor shaway\ and the female 'torah shaway'. Tor is regarded as a great crime in the Pukhtun society and those falling a prey to tor are liable to death in the hands of the family of the female involved in the affair. Hence under tor
death had been prescribed for adultery and also for elopement: in Pukhtu called 'tnatiz takhtidal' and 'matizah tlal'. While stating that "this ancient principle" of death for adultery and elopement "is active and living in the blood of the Pathan even today", Ghani Khan states the reason for doing so, in the following words:
The Pathan is short of girls and generous of emotions. He must breed well if he is to breed fighters. The potential mother of the man of tomorrow is the greatest treasure of the tribe and is guarded jealously. This primitive custom is also useful for weeding out the over-sexed. It is a subtle system of selective breeding. But does the Pathan realize any of these things when he lifts his rifle to shoot the culprit? He does not. He is mad with anger. He must shoot, there is no alternative. If he does not, his neighbours will look down upon him, his father will sneer at him, his sister will avoid his eyes, his wife will be insolent and his friends will cut him dead. It is easier to be misunderstood by a judge who does not speak his language and be hanged by a law that does not understand his life. He does his duty by his people. He will play true to his blood even if he breaks his heart and neck in the bargain. He will walk to the gallows with proud steps with his hands covered with the blood of his wife or sister. And the admiring eyes of his people will follow him as they always do those who pay with their life for a principle.25
The effects and consequences of murdering the adulterers, and also the badal in case of revenge, could not be underestimated. In Ghani Khan's words:
death had been prescribed for adultery and also for elopement: in Pukhtu called 'tnatiz takhtidal' and 'matizah tlal'. While stating that "this ancient principle" of death for adultery and elopement "is active and living in the blood of the Pathan even today", Ghani Khan states the reason for doing so, in the following words:
The Pathan is short of girls and generous of emotions. He must breed well if he is to breed fighters. The potential mother of the man of tomorrow is the greatest treasure of the tribe and is guarded jealously. This primitive custom is also useful for weeding out the over-sexed. It is a subtle system of selective breeding. But does the Pathan realize any of these things when he lifts his rifle to shoot the culprit? He does not. He is mad with anger. He must shoot, there is no alternative. If he does not, his neighbours will look down upon him, his father will sneer at him, his sister will avoid his eyes, his wife will be insolent and his friends will cut him dead. It is easier to be misunderstood by a judge who does not speak his language and be hanged by a law that does not understand his life. He does his duty by his people. He will play true to his blood even if he breaks his heart and neck in the bargain. He will walk to the gallows with proud steps with his hands covered with the blood of his wife or sister. And the admiring eyes of his people will follow him as they always do those who pay with their life for a principle.25
The effects and consequences of murdering the adulterers, and also the badal in case of revenge, could not be underestimated. In Ghani Khan's words:
This very custom when given a chance to act alone works perfectly. In the tribal area where nearly four million people live [in 1940s] without law courts, policemen, judges and hangmen, you seldom hear of adultery or murder. Elopements are rare. For the risk is great and the price heavy for rare lips and beautiful eyes.26
Nevertheless, in Pukhtu, too, there is also the chance and provision of escape from the consequent murder in case of tor, in the shape of marriage of the culprits involved. But though the hunt slackens in this way, the male is "made to pay damages in the form of giving, away two or three girls to the family from which he stole one."27 The protection to the female involved in the affair and married under this provision to the male involved, get married to the male provided that she must be retained as wife by the male. If "he deceives her or deserts her" "he won't live long" because not only "the whole tribe of the girl will hunt him down" but "his own will refuse to protect him." As "custom does not allow protection to the breakers of custom, he stands alone and must pay the price. Even his friends will avoid the funeral." Though "it is hard and brutal, but it works." Because "after all you cannot use a dog leash to tame a wolf."28
Toi
Toi (pronounced thou'i) literally means spilled. Toi has significant role in Pukhtu. Toi has its root and relation with the affairs of badal and tor. It is evident from the above discussion in respect of badal and tor that, besides other means of settling the issue of murder, the foremost is badal. Pukhtu not only recognise badal an. obligation but a right of the family whose member fall a prey to murder. A seemingly negative aspect of the right of badal is that it paralyses the weak not to resort to murder in case of a powerful wrongdoer, because of the would-be reprisal or of the fear that he would not sustain himself. Thus it, on the one hand, gives a free hand to the powerful and restrains the weak to protect his interest, honour and life on the other hand.
To do away with this negative aspect of badal,.Pukhtu has the clause or regulation of toi. Under this clause the blood of the person who loses his life in unlawful or unrecognized acts and
works, is considered toi and hence could not be avenged. In case of toi the act of the murdered one is recognized as unlawful so his blood could not be avenged and thus the action of the murderer is lawful. For example the murder of the adulterer is obligation of the family members of the female involved, and the blood of the adulterer is considered a toi, and could not be avenged provided it was not a mere accusation or blame for justifying the murder but an established fact. In case it is unearthed that the plea of falling a prey of the murdered person to adultery was only a plea to justify the murder and hence not a fact the blood then would not be considered as toi. Similarly a person who is shot dead in a dacoity, burglary, theft on the spot, his blood is considered toi, no matter how influential and powerful he may be.
To do away with this negative aspect of badal,.Pukhtu has the clause or regulation of toi. Under this clause the blood of the person who loses his life in unlawful or unrecognized acts and
works, is considered toi and hence could not be avenged. In case of toi the act of the murdered one is recognized as unlawful so his blood could not be avenged and thus the action of the murderer is lawful. For example the murder of the adulterer is obligation of the family members of the female involved, and the blood of the adulterer is considered a toi, and could not be avenged provided it was not a mere accusation or blame for justifying the murder but an established fact. In case it is unearthed that the plea of falling a prey of the murdered person to adultery was only a plea to justify the murder and hence not a fact the blood then would not be considered as toi. Similarly a person who is shot dead in a dacoity, burglary, theft on the spot, his blood is considered toi, no matter how influential and powerful he may be.
Like the other customs, norms, rules, regulations, codes and commandments of Pukhtu, the acts and works losing blood in which is considered and recognized toi is known to everyone, due to which toi had a great positive role and effects in minimizing the unwanted, immoral and unacceptable acts and behaviours. In case the situation is not clear that whether the blood is toi or not the concerned jargah has the right to declare the blood toi, in which case the badal would not be justified, or otherwise, in which case revenge would be justified.
Panah
Panah means asylum and sanctuary. Panah is also an important commandment of Pukhtu. In Pukhtu, it is required of a person from whom panah or asylum is sought to provide it. Panah is regarded the right of the one who needs it and asks for and the obligation and duty of the one from whom it is sought. Panah not only can not be denied even to an arch-enemy but the person to whom panah is provided is protected and depended at all costs, till the time he remains in the panah -of the concerned person. Olaf Caroe rightly observes that "the denial of sanctuary is impossible for one who would observe Pakhtu; it cannot be refused even to an enemy who makes an approach according to Nanawatai [nanawatey].29
While negating Caroe's, and Davies'30 reading of asylum and sanctuary for nanawatey, James Spain states that "this definition does not appear to be recognized among the Pathans themselves. The concepts of asylum and sanctuary are known and accepted as part of melmastia”.31 It is worth mentioning that although melmastya and sanctuary and asylum had the same obligations and hence sanctuary and asylum seems as part of melmastya they are different. For sanctuary and asylum there is its own term namely panah. Hence in respect of sanctuary and . asylum the phrases panah ghukhtal (asking for asylum and sanctuary) and panah warkawal (providing sanctuary and asylum) is used whereas melmastya has its own phrases.
An attempt on a person in panah of someone else is regarded an act against the person who has given the panah and hence he has to oppose and fight the one who does not care for his panah. There had been the examples that in case of absence of the male members of a household the female have depended and protected the persons who sought panah. There are examples that enemies have been entertained and protected for long times, when they have sought panah, as long as they have been in the house and panah of his enemy; and when he has gone out of the panah afterwards he has been killed in badal.
Like other rules, regulations, codes and commandments of Pukhtu, it had been the obligation of panah that the westerners and their blind followers failed to understand properly and in true perspective. This failure on the part of the westerners not only created great troubles, difficulties and losses in the Northwest Frontier during the English rule in India, but also became one of the overt cause of the Americans and their allies' invasion of Afghanistan in 2001, at the Taliban's refusal to hand-over Usama bin Laden to the Americans, and consequently caused the fall of the Taliban rule. And it is due to such difficulties involved in abiding by or observing Pukhtu that a tapah says that:
While negating Caroe's, and Davies'30 reading of asylum and sanctuary for nanawatey, James Spain states that "this definition does not appear to be recognized among the Pathans themselves. The concepts of asylum and sanctuary are known and accepted as part of melmastia”.31 It is worth mentioning that although melmastya and sanctuary and asylum had the same obligations and hence sanctuary and asylum seems as part of melmastya they are different. For sanctuary and asylum there is its own term namely panah. Hence in respect of sanctuary and . asylum the phrases panah ghukhtal (asking for asylum and sanctuary) and panah warkawal (providing sanctuary and asylum) is used whereas melmastya has its own phrases.
An attempt on a person in panah of someone else is regarded an act against the person who has given the panah and hence he has to oppose and fight the one who does not care for his panah. There had been the examples that in case of absence of the male members of a household the female have depended and protected the persons who sought panah. There are examples that enemies have been entertained and protected for long times, when they have sought panah, as long as they have been in the house and panah of his enemy; and when he has gone out of the panah afterwards he has been killed in badal.
Like other rules, regulations, codes and commandments of Pukhtu, it had been the obligation of panah that the westerners and their blind followers failed to understand properly and in true perspective. This failure on the part of the westerners not only created great troubles, difficulties and losses in the Northwest Frontier during the English rule in India, but also became one of the overt cause of the Americans and their allies' invasion of Afghanistan in 2001, at the Taliban's refusal to hand-over Usama bin Laden to the Americans, and consequently caused the fall of the Taliban rule. And it is due to such difficulties involved in abiding by or observing Pukhtu that a tapah says that:
Pukhtu asaanah nah dah khalqahTranslation:
Suk cheh Pukhtu kri pukhtai maatey garzawinah
Pukhtu is not easy to be observed or abide by;
Those who abide by Pukhtu have their ribs broken
Nanawatay
As stated earlier badal is one of the foremost codes, rules, regulations and commandments of Pukhtu and under badal beside other things, the wrong done or the murder committed is to be avenged. A negative aspect of this is that it leads to unending bloodshed. As stated earlier there are certain ways and means or codes of Pukhtu under which conciliation can be effected and the would-be bloodshed could be avoided in peaceful manner. One of such ways and means or rules of Pukhtu is nanawatay.
In case the guilty party or the one who did the wrong, wants to bring an end to the bloodshed and dispute in peaceful way before the badal is taken the party or individual has to go to the enemy, admit the guilt, express shame and unlikeness for, throw themselves/himself or the guilty one on the mercy of the enemy and seek pardon. This is known as nanawatay. It is a sort of repentance. To express more regret on the wrong done and to give great esteem to the aggrieved side, the party who resorts to nanawatay can also send or bring with them their women; the women could also be unveiled called sartor sar; can bring Holy Quran; and also have a rope in the neck called "paray pah ghaarah tlal (going with the rope in the neck).
If the aggrieved party accepts the repentance and agrees to renounce the right of badal, nanawatay is thus honoured, a jargah is held, conciliation effected, and the matter settles peacefully. Although nanawatay, "is surrender rather than sanctuary", as also stated by James W. Spain,32 it is required of the aggrieved party to honour and accept it James Spain asserts that "it is a 'going in' or a 'giving in' to an enemy, carrying with it a connotation of great shame for the one who undertakes it and no obligation to accept it on the part of the one to whom it is offered."33 No doubt "it is a 'going in' or a "giving in" to an enemy." It does not carry a "connotation of great shame for the one who undertakes it." Moreover, it is certainly considered an obligation "on the part of the one to whom it is offered" to honour the nanawatay, and there is no doubt that "the honour of the party solicited . . . incur a stain"34 if it fails to honour the nanawatay.
In case the guilty party or the one who did the wrong, wants to bring an end to the bloodshed and dispute in peaceful way before the badal is taken the party or individual has to go to the enemy, admit the guilt, express shame and unlikeness for, throw themselves/himself or the guilty one on the mercy of the enemy and seek pardon. This is known as nanawatay. It is a sort of repentance. To express more regret on the wrong done and to give great esteem to the aggrieved side, the party who resorts to nanawatay can also send or bring with them their women; the women could also be unveiled called sartor sar; can bring Holy Quran; and also have a rope in the neck called "paray pah ghaarah tlal (going with the rope in the neck).
If the aggrieved party accepts the repentance and agrees to renounce the right of badal, nanawatay is thus honoured, a jargah is held, conciliation effected, and the matter settles peacefully. Although nanawatay, "is surrender rather than sanctuary", as also stated by James W. Spain,32 it is required of the aggrieved party to honour and accept it James Spain asserts that "it is a 'going in' or a 'giving in' to an enemy, carrying with it a connotation of great shame for the one who undertakes it and no obligation to accept it on the part of the one to whom it is offered."33 No doubt "it is a 'going in' or a "giving in" to an enemy." It does not carry a "connotation of great shame for the one who undertakes it." Moreover, it is certainly considered an obligation "on the part of the one to whom it is offered" to honour the nanawatay, and there is no doubt that "the honour of the party solicited . . . incur a stain"34 if it fails to honour the nanawatay.
Swarah
It is evident from the discussion on badal and tor that besides murder, for settling the score and protecting and keeping the honour, there are, also, other rules in Pukhtu to solve the issue peacefully and bring an end to the would-be bloodshed. In one of these rules, if the aggrieved party agrees to settle the issue amicably, the party who had done the wrong gives a girl in marriage to a male member of the aggrieved party. Betrothal and marriage of a girl of the party on the wrong with a male member of the aggrieved party, in such a manner, is called swarah.
Swarah had been generally misunderstood and also presented wrongly. The girl married in this way is generally termed, by those who fail to understand the practice properly, price of the blood, a scapegoat, and "a penalty for being a woman."35 In fact it is misreading. It is worth mentioning that in the Pukhtun society it is the established and commonly recognised rule that the decision of marriage of a girl is made by the parents. It is a general practice and not limited to swarah. Although the consent of the girl is sought in its own way, the final decision rests with the family members. There is no difference in the manner in which either of the kinds of marriages is arranged. Moreover, swarah literally means the female who is riding. As in absence of modern means of communication the people generally travelled by foot but the females of the well up families were brought to and from the houses of the father and the husband on horses etc. due to which if a bride afterwards showed lethargy and did not use to do domestic works she was often questioned that 'swarah raghalay ye sah' meaning that are you come swarah (so nobly) due to which you do not work. It speaks that swarah is not a derogative or insulting term but is honourable and prestigious one.
The significant aspect of the marriage arranged in case of swarah is that in this way both the families cement their settlement by matrimonial relations. The marriage becomes a bond to the effect that both sides would not resort to bloodshed in future. The offsprings of the couple married in the swarah case become a source of further strengthening of the relations. Swarah, further, minimizes the chances of future bloodshed between the two families because in the Pukhtun society matrimonial relations are on the whole respected and maintained thus restraining the aggrieved family from resorting to murder. A girl married as swarah to a family member of her erstwhile enemies, may serve as guarantee of peace because planning revenge from such a house would not be possible: she may oppose it, or leak out the secret etc. if the planning become known to her. This factor, thus, works as force that restrains bloodshed between the families who not only settle the blood feud but also arrange swarah marriage. That is why swarah had not only a vital role in bringing bloodshed to an end; it had also turned enemies into relatives. And it also is a practice that both parties give their girls in marriage to each other in the settlement of the blood feud if the parties wish to further cement the peace and do away with the least chance of breaking the peace in future.
The most important point, which is generally ignored while criticising the swarah marriage, is that not only the girl's betrothal and marriage is decided by her family members and she has no say in it, but similar is the case with the boy. Moreover, not only in the swarah cases the marriages are arranged but it is the common and universal way of marriage in the Pukhtun society. In the Pukhtun society all marriages are arranged without seeking the expressed consent of the marrying parties. It, however, is observed that the male side is generally ignored and hue and cry is made for the female side only. It would not be improper to mention that those who are making hue and cry for the females not only fail to apprehend the issue in proper perspective but also suffer from prejudice and fall prey to gender imbalance in favour of the female.
Moreover, the statement of Dr. Sher Zaman Taizai that "the woman married as swarah "is mistreated all her life. She is never regarded as an equal. She is persecuted"36 is a sweeping generalisation. There may be cases of such a nature but there also are cases that are vice versa. It depends upon the nature and behaviour of the family to whom the lady is married that how they treat the lady. If they mistreat the lady married as swarah they would also mistreat the other ladies married normally in their family. The Pukhtun society is not devoid of such families and individuals who mistreat their women and persecute them but this behaviour is not specific with swarah cases.
Swarah had been generally misunderstood and also presented wrongly. The girl married in this way is generally termed, by those who fail to understand the practice properly, price of the blood, a scapegoat, and "a penalty for being a woman."35 In fact it is misreading. It is worth mentioning that in the Pukhtun society it is the established and commonly recognised rule that the decision of marriage of a girl is made by the parents. It is a general practice and not limited to swarah. Although the consent of the girl is sought in its own way, the final decision rests with the family members. There is no difference in the manner in which either of the kinds of marriages is arranged. Moreover, swarah literally means the female who is riding. As in absence of modern means of communication the people generally travelled by foot but the females of the well up families were brought to and from the houses of the father and the husband on horses etc. due to which if a bride afterwards showed lethargy and did not use to do domestic works she was often questioned that 'swarah raghalay ye sah' meaning that are you come swarah (so nobly) due to which you do not work. It speaks that swarah is not a derogative or insulting term but is honourable and prestigious one.
The significant aspect of the marriage arranged in case of swarah is that in this way both the families cement their settlement by matrimonial relations. The marriage becomes a bond to the effect that both sides would not resort to bloodshed in future. The offsprings of the couple married in the swarah case become a source of further strengthening of the relations. Swarah, further, minimizes the chances of future bloodshed between the two families because in the Pukhtun society matrimonial relations are on the whole respected and maintained thus restraining the aggrieved family from resorting to murder. A girl married as swarah to a family member of her erstwhile enemies, may serve as guarantee of peace because planning revenge from such a house would not be possible: she may oppose it, or leak out the secret etc. if the planning become known to her. This factor, thus, works as force that restrains bloodshed between the families who not only settle the blood feud but also arrange swarah marriage. That is why swarah had not only a vital role in bringing bloodshed to an end; it had also turned enemies into relatives. And it also is a practice that both parties give their girls in marriage to each other in the settlement of the blood feud if the parties wish to further cement the peace and do away with the least chance of breaking the peace in future.
The most important point, which is generally ignored while criticising the swarah marriage, is that not only the girl's betrothal and marriage is decided by her family members and she has no say in it, but similar is the case with the boy. Moreover, not only in the swarah cases the marriages are arranged but it is the common and universal way of marriage in the Pukhtun society. In the Pukhtun society all marriages are arranged without seeking the expressed consent of the marrying parties. It, however, is observed that the male side is generally ignored and hue and cry is made for the female side only. It would not be improper to mention that those who are making hue and cry for the females not only fail to apprehend the issue in proper perspective but also suffer from prejudice and fall prey to gender imbalance in favour of the female.
Moreover, the statement of Dr. Sher Zaman Taizai that "the woman married as swarah "is mistreated all her life. She is never regarded as an equal. She is persecuted"36 is a sweeping generalisation. There may be cases of such a nature but there also are cases that are vice versa. It depends upon the nature and behaviour of the family to whom the lady is married that how they treat the lady. If they mistreat the lady married as swarah they would also mistreat the other ladies married normally in their family. The Pukhtun society is not devoid of such families and individuals who mistreat their women and persecute them but this behaviour is not specific with swarah cases.
Tigah
Tigah literally means a considerably big stone, but in the context of Pukhtu it had a different meaning and use. When a truce is arranged in a feud by a jargah or some one else and formal settlement yet not effected a stone is laid, which is called 'tigah keykhawdal,' as a mark of the truce. It means that the people become aware of the truce and that the parties could not dare to violate the terms agreed upon. Tigah represents at least a temporary peace and eventually reaching permanent settlement.37
Merat/Meratah
Merat/ meratah though un-Islamic had been a recognised code of Pukhtu. A male having no male issue is called merat and a female meratah; and if there had been no issue at all then it is called 'pah nakhas merat/meratah." The female issue of merat/meratah has no right to inherit the property left by the deceased. The nearer male agnate relatives of the male concerned inherit the property. Not only is both the movable and immovable property of merat considered the right of the nearer male agnates but also the widow and the female unmarried issues.
Ghag
Ghag (Jagh) is related with marital affairs. If a man had the wish that a particular girl be his bride but he or his family has yet not negotiated with the girl's family and it becomes known that a third person wants to negotiate for the betrothal of the girl, he has to declare that he has ghag literally a call meaning claim on the girl. It also is called tak kawal. In this way he at least gets "involved in the negotiations for the lady's hand in one way or another, even if it doesn't always get him the lady."38 At declaring ghag or claim over the lady no other party negotiates till the time the negotiations fail between the party who claimed ghag and the girl's family. This thing also, sometimes, leads to murder and bloodshed, when either the girl's family refuses to honour the claim or another party do not regard the claim and resolve to marry the girl despite the ghag claim.
Sharmala
A sharmala is the kind of jargah usually called for by the offender or his representatives for seeking a negotiated settlement of a quarrel or feud. Such a convoked jargah has to negotiate between the parties and effect settlement in dealing of which the offender may also agree upon compensation in some form or on giving a daughter in marriage39 called swarah.
Kalay Kalwighi
Kalay kalwighi is a significant aspect of Pukhtu. It is related to such things that are required in communal life for example participating in the betrothal, wedding, funerals and other affairs of sorrow and joy; to visit the sick person; to provide the required assistance to the fellow villagers. Ashar ghubal or to cooperate with and assist each other, in turn, in harvesting, thrashing, cutting grass, and such other personal works which can not be done individually or by one family members, is also a part of kalay kalwighi. The Pukhtun society is tribal and the people mainly live in villages, hence in the rural setup kalay kalwighi is an important code and 'commandment of Pukhtu.
Pat
To keep continued friendship, relations and links is called pat. Pat is greatly required in Pukhtu. Under pat it is required not to forsake a friend or relative or a person with whom one had some links or relations,, but with justifiable reason. The significance of pat in Pukhtu can be judged, from the evidences in the Pukhtu folklore, as in a tapah, which says that:
Pukhtun pah pat baandey Pukhtun dey
Da pat nishaan tal bah uchat pah jahaan winah
Translation:
Pukhtun is Pukhtun on keeping pat
The standard of pat will always fly high in the world
Shariat
Pukhtu has Shariat or the Islamic law also among its codes, rules and folds. Being Muslims, following and observing Shariat is a must for the Pukhtuns. Though they abide by Shariat in a number of things, they also ignore and violate it in various things. For example they keep the Ramazan fasts with great zeal and look down upon those who do not keep the fasts, but violate Shariat in matter of inheritance, as also stated earlier, and observe riwaj in that case. Similarly Shariat has not been truly and properly observed in cases of revenge, adultery and so forth. On the one hand Shariat is a part of Pukhtu and on the other also such things that are contrary to Shariat, due to which Pukhtu suffers from opposites. That is why some people consider Pukhtu as purely Islamic40 and to some others it is contrary to Islamic law.
From its careful observation and analysis it becomes evident that Pukhtu has, at a time, both Islamic and un-Islamic customs, codes, rules, regulations and commandments, and, on the whole, the people observe them as they are in Pukhtu. That is why a Pukhtu saying means that at one time the Pukhtun is a saint and at another moment he is a devil. Another Pukhtu saying is that 'Shariat khu manam khu khar khu qasam day ka warkram,' meaning that although I acknowledge Shariat (according to which the ass is of the plaintiff) but I state on oath that I will not hand over the ass. It speaks that how much the Pukhtuns respect Shariat when its injunctions go against their own whims and interest. And another Pukhtu saying is that 'Mula gramawalam khu zah nah grameydam,' meaning that the Mula reproved me but I can not to be reproved. That was why a Pukhtu saying states that 'da Pukhtun yawah khpah pa Jannat ki dah au balahpah Duzakh key" meaning that the Pukhtun had his one foot in the Heaven and the other in the Hell.
Although in Pukhtu, Shariat is dominated by riwaj in many ways and a number of things, it, nevertheless, is not only one of the commandments of Pukhtu, but also had a vital role in many aspects and, hence, its significance in Pukhtu could not be underestimated.
Although in Pukhtu, Shariat is dominated by riwaj in many ways and a number of things, it, nevertheless, is not only one of the commandments of Pukhtu, but also had a vital role in many aspects and, hence, its significance in Pukhtu could not be underestimated.
Amr-e Bil Maruf wa Nahi Anil Munkar
'Amr-e bil maruf,' meaning calling to righteousness, and 'nahi anil munkar,’ meaning restraining from the unwanted things and acts, has also its place in the codes of Pukhtu. This code and commandment also has its role in inducing the people, being Muslims, to abstain from unwanted acts and activities, to follow the Islamic teachings and to behave in the righteous manner. This has been the duty of the religious class and figures to call the people to righteousness and to induce them to give up the evil ways and unwanted acts both in personal and communal affairs. At occasions this code play vital role.
Bongah, Bramatah, Butah
In the conventions of Pukhtu being the recognised guides to behaviour, bongah, bramatah, and butah are also generally recognised. It has been a sort of 'tit-for-tat.' If a person loss some property, usually animal, he has the right to resort to bramatah meaning to gain possession of similar or somewhat more piece of property of the thief or his clan so as to compel him to come to terms to return the property in exchange. Consequently an exchange has to take place. However, if the first injured-party is unable to recover the loss, either by force or through the bramatah system, it has then to recourse to paying cash ransom to the possessor, worth one-fifth of the value of the property41. The hijacking or taking possession of the property for ransom is called bongah and the sum received in ransom by the thief or the hijacker etc. is called butah. Butah is also called to the sum or something else appropriated from someone by deceptive means.
Tarburwali
The word tarbur is used both for cousin and enemy, and tarburwali for cousinhood and also for enmity. In the Pukhtun society the cousins depend on and protect each other, and take revenge in case of any kind of loss or dishonour incurred by some one else. But on the other hand they consider each other enemies being immediate rivals for family power and influence and also considering each other as equal and match. Thus in Pukhtu cousins are also regarded and acknowledged ,as rivals That is why a Pukhtu saying says that 'tarbur chey warukay yi nu luyawah yey au cheh loi shi nu dushman dey jangawah yey' meaning that when a cousin is little play with him, but when grown up he is an enemy cause him fight with others. Another saying means that a cousin's teeth bite upon a cousin; and still another says that 'keep a cousin poor but use him'. Whereas another one refers to the lack of trust among the cousins by stating that 'tarbur kah dey khar shi hum latai prey mah arawah,' meaning that if the cousin becomes your ass then too do not ride him, lest he may throw you down. Thus tarburwali is recognized code of Pukhtu in both its meanings, and it had its vital and established role in both the aspects.
Hujrah
In the traditional society, the hujrahs are not personal but communal property of all the Pukhtuns in a block of a village or the whole village. They jointly hold the proprietorship rights and are collectively responsible for its maintenance. Hujrahs play vital role in Pukhtu, for these are not merely men houses but also served as the visitors and guest houses, focal points for community actions and opinions, the places for sleeping of the unmarried males, and so forth. These have been multi-purpose community centres. "It was from here that the marriage processions started and the bier was carried to the grave." 42
To conclude, the aforementioned are not all but only the main and foremost norms, commandments, code, rules, regulations and components of Pukhtu. Although within the Pukhtun society the name Pukhtun is applied to a specific group it is expected and required of all the people, whether they belong to the particular segmentary Pukhtun group or not, to abide by the norms, values, rules, regulations, codes and components of Pukhtu, and those who do not abide by or not observe these are looked down upon and are not regarded true Pukhtun.43
It also is worth mentioning that those who have written in English on the subject, on the whole, had ignored the term 'Pukhtu' and had only used Pukhtunwali. The basic and commonly used term is Pukhtu both for the language and the code of life or the way of the people. They, moreover, had dealt with and described it in the context of the present day Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) only; and had mentioned only a few codes, rules or commandments of it. Besides, Pukhtu is not comprised of purely legal rules and regulations. It has been a combination of customs, values, norms, codes, rules, regulations and commandments. It covers all aspects of life from cradle to grave. Although Pukhtu has Shariat in its folds, it is subservient to riwaj, as also mentioned earlier. When there been conflict between the Islamic laws and Pukhtu, Pukhtu had the upper hand. However, in the course of time and with the spread of both modern and Islamic education some changes have taken place. The introduction and authority of the modern laws and governmental machinery also have its effects and impacts.
To conclude, the aforementioned are not all but only the main and foremost norms, commandments, code, rules, regulations and components of Pukhtu. Although within the Pukhtun society the name Pukhtun is applied to a specific group it is expected and required of all the people, whether they belong to the particular segmentary Pukhtun group or not, to abide by the norms, values, rules, regulations, codes and components of Pukhtu, and those who do not abide by or not observe these are looked down upon and are not regarded true Pukhtun.43
It also is worth mentioning that those who have written in English on the subject, on the whole, had ignored the term 'Pukhtu' and had only used Pukhtunwali. The basic and commonly used term is Pukhtu both for the language and the code of life or the way of the people. They, moreover, had dealt with and described it in the context of the present day Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) only; and had mentioned only a few codes, rules or commandments of it. Besides, Pukhtu is not comprised of purely legal rules and regulations. It has been a combination of customs, values, norms, codes, rules, regulations and commandments. It covers all aspects of life from cradle to grave. Although Pukhtu has Shariat in its folds, it is subservient to riwaj, as also mentioned earlier. When there been conflict between the Islamic laws and Pukhtu, Pukhtu had the upper hand. However, in the course of time and with the spread of both modern and Islamic education some changes have taken place. The introduction and authority of the modern laws and governmental machinery also have its effects and impacts.
Notes & References
1. Salma Shaheen, Ruhi Sandaray: (Tapay) (Pashto), Vol. 2, With 'Peshlafz' by Muhammad Nawaz Tair (Peshawar: Pukhtu Academy, 1994), p. 21
2. Muhammad Nawaz Tair, Tapah au Jwand (Pashto) (Peshawar: Pukhtu Academy, 1980), p. 41
3. Muhammad Asif Khan, The Story of Swat as told by the Founder Miangul Abdul Wadud Badshah Sahib to Muhammad Asif Khan, With Preface, Introduction and Appendices by Muhammad Asif Khan, Trans. Preface and trans, by Ashruf Altaf Husain (Peshawar: Ferozsons Ltd., 1963), p. 27
It is to be noted that Pakhto or Pukhtu had never been plural of Pukhtun or Pakhtoon, as stated by Ashruf Altaf Husain. Moreover, "to say that one is not a true Pakhtoon" is applied not only to the person who "is devoid of all these virtues" mentioned by Ashruf Altaf but at occasions also to those who is devoid of any or some of the virtues required by Pukhtu. Besides, instead of mentioning 'Pakhto' as given by Ashruf Altaf Husain, James W. Spain had used the word Pukhtunwali. Spain, moreover, attribute the mentioned statement about Pukhtu to Miangul Abdul Wadud, the Ruler of Swat State (1917-1949), but it is Ashruf Altaf Husain's statement and footnote. For Spain's assertion see James W. Spain, Pathans of the Later Day (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1995), pp. 40-41
4. Tapah is a genre of Pukhtu folk verse, whose saying can not be claimed by anyone and which is generally said by females.
5. Ghani Khan, The Pathans: A Sketch, (Islamabad: Pushto Adabi Society, 1990), p. 24
6. Ibid.,
7. Ibid., p. 25
8. Ibid.,
9. James W. Spain, The Pathan Borderland, (Karachi: Indus Publications, 1985), p. 63
10. Dennzil Ibbetson, Punjab Castes, (Delhi: Low Price Publications, 1993), p. 58
11. For example see James W. Spain, The Way of the Pathans, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1994), p. 46; idem, The Pathan Borderland, p. 64; Syed Abdul Quddus, The Pathans (Lahore: Ferozsons (pvt.) Ltd., 1987), p. 67
12. For example see Spain, The Pathan Borderland, p. 64 and C. Collin Davies, The Problem of the North-West Frontier, 1890-1908: With a Survey of Policy since 1849, reprint (London: Curzon Press, 1975), p. 49 wherein only the revenge aspect of badal and that too only the negative one has been discussed. Also see Ibbetson, Punjab Castes, p. 58
13. Spain, The Pathan Borderland, p. 64
14. Spain, The Way of the Pathans, p. 47
15. Ibid., p. 52
16. Spain, The Pathan Borderland, p. 65
17. Ibid.,
18. Ibid.,
19. The place of the river, stream etc. from where water is brought for domestic use
20. Report on the Administration on the Border of the North-West Frontier Province for the year 1938-39 (Delhi: The Manager of Publications, 1940), pp. 11-13
21. A. H. McMahon, and A. D. G. Ramsay, Report on the Tribes of Dir, Swat and Bajour together with the Utman-Khel and Sam Ranizai, (Peshawar: Saeed Book Bank, 1981), p. 33
22. Ibbetson, Punjab Castes, p. 61
23. Spain, The Pathan Borderland, pp. 69-72
24. Khushal Khan Khattak, Kulyaat-e-Khushal Khan Khattak: Qasaaid, Rubaayat, Qitaat au Mutafriqaat (Pashto) (Peshawar: Azeem Publishing House, n.d.), p. 89
25. Khan, The Pathans: A Sketch, pp. 25-26
26. Ibid., p. 26
27. Ibid.,
28. Ibid.,
30. Misunderstanding nanawatey for asylum, Davies states that the Pathan code of honour imposes the obligation that "he must grant to all fugitives the right of asylum (nanawatai)" (Davies, The Problem of the North-West Frontier, p. 49)
31. Spain, The Pathan Borderland, p. 66
32. Ibid., p. 67
33. Ibid., p. 66
34. Caroe, The Pathans, p. 351
35. Gul Ayaz, "Swara: Stigma on Pukhtun Social Code" in Statesman (English Daily), Peshawar, 6th May 2002
36. Ibid.,
37. Also see Spain, The Pathan Borderland, p. 67
38. Ibid.,
39. Ibid.,
40. For example for the contention of Abdul Qadir (Founding Director of Pukhtu Academy, University of Peshawar) that Pukhtu is the second name of Islam see Preshan Khattak, Pushtoon Koon?: (Tarikh, Tahqiq, Tanqid) (Urdu) (Peshawar: Pashto Academy, 1984), pp. 135-36 and Tair, Tapah au Jwand, p. 42
41. Spain, The Pathan Borderland, p. 73
42. Makhdum Tasaduq Ahmad, Social Organization of Yusufzai Swat: A Study in Social Change (Lahore: University of Punjab, 1962), p. 27
43. Also see Khattak, Pushtoon Koon?: (Tarikh, Tahqiq, Tanqid),pp.l76-91
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